Topic 6B: A Metropolis for the 20th Century (Canberra)

6B A Metropolis for the 20^th Century (Canberra) 

By Aron Gavin

 

Introduction

The desire to conceive a planned city, free from the constraints and limitations of existing infrastructure and past urban developments, has been a focus point of many significant architects and planners throughout the last 150 years (Grigg, 2007). The development of an urban settlement that embraced the ideas of nature, demonstrating the importance of open and green space, first became prominent through the mid to late 1800s, through the American City Beautiful Movement and the Garden City Movement of Englishman, Ebenezer Howard (1898). This move away from simple, organic development to a more structured, designed form, was integral to the fundamental ideas behind both Movements, which advocated that “the key to healthier society in cities was [through] cleanliness and fresh air” (Taylor, 2006). With Australia’s growing population, the requirement for a federal capital became apparent in the late 1800s. At the time, Australian planning was still in its infancy, and despite many design proposals presented, it appeared that Australian professionals “were not yet fully engaged with the evolving and already quite sophisticated modern planning discourse in other countries” (Freestone, 1997). Many of the numerous proposals for Canberra failed to consider the in-depth relationships and interactions required throughout a city, especially in regards to the connections between public, private and green space (Reid, 2002). One exception to this was the proposal of John Sulman and his radial ‘spider-web’ plan which will be discussed in this paper.

John Sulman

English born architect and planner, John Sulman (1849-1934) (Apperley & Reynolds, 1990), who settled in Australia in 1885, became a significant figure in the development of town planning within Australia. Described as “the father of town planning in Australia” (Reps, 1997), and “highly influential in shaping Australian ideas on town planning” (Taylor, 2006), he was heavily involved in the creation of the new federal city of Canberra. His involvement in the project was widespread, from his proposal of initial ideas and schematics, including the radial ‘spider-web’ plan, to his later role as Chairman of the Federal Capital Advisory Committee (FCAC), which directed planning development in Canberra through 1921-24 following the departure of architect-in-charge, Walter Burley Griffin in 1920 (Reid, 2002).

As an architect and urban planner, Sulman held strong views on what a planned federal capital should be. Particularly critical of rectangular or ‘chessboard’ planning (ie. the grid), he “advocated the radial or concentric lines of the spiders web pattern as a more sensible alternative” (Freestone, 1997), stating this had benefits in terms such as “convenience of movement and possibilities for beautification” (Freestone, 1997). Taken from a paper read by Sulman at a meeting of the Australasian Association for the Advancement of Science held at Melbourne University (1890), Sulman also outlined five ‘key headings’, through which he believed can help “avoid past errors and make some attempt at a more rational system” (Reps, 1997). It was these ideas that underpinned his ‘spider-web’ design and the application of these is clearly evident throughout his plan. However, equally interesting is how many of these can also be identified in the competition winning entry for Canberra of Griffin (1912). A brief outline of these ‘key headings’ along with examples of the similarities has been detailed below:

Left Image: Sulman’s ‘spiderweb’plan. (Freestone, 1997)

Right Image: Griffin’s Design for Canberra. (Stumbling Past, 2013)

5 Key Headings

Location: Sulman advocates that a town should only be laid out where the correct conditions for its growth are present (Reid, 2002). Similarly, it can be seen that Griffin has designed his city with a view for potential (eventual) expansion, with roads and infrastructure easily repeated outwards.

Utilisation: The layout of the town, position of public buildings and ancillary offices “revolves [around] the seat of its government, hence [Parliament House] shall be allotted the best and most central position” argues Sulman (Sulman, 1890). Further, the octagonal shape of Sulman’s plan, with its major radial and secondary diagonal cross-roads, together with  parliament house standing “out against the sky” (Freestone, 1997) at the elevated centre of the plan, can be directly compared to the radial form seen around Burley Griffins Capitol Hill and Civic Centre.

Decoration: Decoration and beauty are integral to a city however this beauty should come from the design of the city (Sulman, 1890). Sulman argues that through the implementation of the spider web plan, public open space and parklands, seen as essential requirements of any well planned city (Taylor, 2006), can be combined with roads and blocks effectively,  further underlying his vision “that Canberra is a city in the landscape” (Taylor, 2006). Griffin’s plan also exhibits these characteristics through the use of both radial and curved roads and avenues, with the beauty of the Canberra plan in the design and layout (Taylor, 2006). The inclusion in both plans of parks and parkways, described by Freestone as “direct testimony to an American City Beautiful” (Freestone, 1997), also shows their similarities, with the City Beautiful principles a clear influence in the design of both plans.

Legislation: Through the regulation of standards in relation to minimum land size, density, suburb sizing and green belt areas (Sulman, 1890), Sulman claims  his plan can maintain its benefits for public health and wellbeing, whilst still maintaining the required needs of a modern city (Sulman, 1890). On Griffins plan, this is evident through block sizing as well as green belt and the positioning of parks. 

Realisation: In relation to the implementation of the ‘spider-web’ model and maintaining the integrity of the fundamental design principles underpinning it, Sulman argues for government control for future cities however does not provide a definitive approach on how this is achieved (Sulman, 1890). Government control is also evident through Griffin’s plan, albeit after his departure, through the governing body of the Federal Capital Advisory Committee. This committee, ironically initially led by Sulman, is still in existence and currently known as the National Capital Authority.

Summary

Sulman’s ‘spider-web’ design, although never fully realised, offers great insight into one of the more developed ideas for Australia’s capital. Interestingly, as an early leader in Australian planning, his influences on both modern-day Canberra, as well as planning throughout Australia are less well recognised than his contribution to the architectural profession that commemorates his importance through the RAIA Sir John Sulman Prize (Apperly & Reynolds, 1990). His legacy, however, lies in the ‘openness’ of the ‘spider-web’ model and its reflection of his vision of a fledgling democracy.

References & Bibliography.

Apperly, R, & Reynolds, R. (1990). Sir John Sulman. Retrieved  from http://adb.anu.edu.au/biography/sulman-sir-john-8714

City Beautiful & Garden City Movement. Retrieved from http://www.idealcity.org.au/town_planning-4-garden_city.html

Freestone, R, & Nichols, D. (2010). Town Planning and Private Enterprise in Early Twentieth Century Australia. In H. Halloran (Ed.), Builder of Dreams (pp 5.1-5.24). Melbourne, Aus: Monash EPress.

Freestone, R. (1997). The Federal Capital of Australia: A Virtual Planning History Canberra. Urban Research Program.

Grigg, S. (2007). The Canberra Legacy: Griffin, Government and the Future of Strategic Planning in the National Capital. (Thesis). University of New South Wales.

Reid, P. (2002). Canberra following Griffin: A Design History of Australia’s National Capital. National Archives of Australia.

Sulman, J. (1890). The Laying Out of Towns. In J. Reps (Ed.), (1997) An Introduction to the Study of Town Planning in Australia. New York, USA: Cornell University.

Reps, J. (1997) An Introduction to the Study of Town Planning in Australia. New York, USA: Cornell University.

Taylor, K. (2006). Canberra: City in the Landscape. Halstead Press.

Figures

Freestone, R. (1997). The Federal Capital of Australia: A Virtual Planning History Canberra. Urban Research Program.

Stumbling Past. Retrieved from https://stumblingpast.files.wordpress.com/2013/04/preliminary-plan-canberra-1914.jpg

Topic 5B: Haussmann, Sitte and Streetscapes

5B. Haussmann 

By Leah Tausan

Haussmann has gone down in history as one of the most influential urban planners due to the drastic transformation he led on Medieval Paris to turn it into the global city it is today. Were his methods too extreme, culturally insensitive and destructive; and would similar urban renewable be possible in current slum situations today?

A Brief History

Paris currently is the most populated city in France, with an estimated 2.2 million occupants and arguably one of the most beautiful cities in the world.  Yet the modern day Paris that we picture today with its Neoclassical, terrace apartments, expansive parks and wide, straight boulevards was not always appears so. In 1852 a plebiscite was held after a period of political unrest that made Napoleon the Third (1808-73) emperor and gave him a position of supreme power. After emerging victorious from the Crimean War (1854-56), Napoleon was eager to translate his military success into architectural success, as well as transform Paris into a global world power.

This is where Georges-Eugène Haussmann (1809-91) gets involved. He is appointed by Napoleon as the official town planner of Paris, with instructions of Urban renewal in the form of a colour coded map to made Paris a great city. Their vision of Nouveau Paris was to be vast in extent, bound together by new, straight, wide boulevards, and dominated by symbols of Napoleon. This unwavering vision for Paris was, in my opinion, overtly ambitious and slightly destructive, much of medieval Paris being demolished in the process, but yet without these interventions, modern Paris would not exist in the same form it does today.

Destruction of Medieval Paris

Historically when boulevards were constructed as urban reform to enhance efficiency and aesthetics in existing cities they would use existing streets and use them to link important monuments such as in Rome. Haussmann’s streets were laid out according to pragmatic and economic considerations. Hence they destroyed enormous parts of medieval Paris, having little to no consideration to the previous urban form and displacing thousands of inhabitants, notably the poor. The boulevards cut through the dense fabric of medieval Paris and were lined with neoclassical apartments that had modern facilities like sewerage pipes and gas lines. The apartments were strictly regulated, with flat, restrained facades and were made out of stone, which previously was only a building material of the rich. For example one of the first boulevards he constructed was the boulevard Sebastopol, which delimits the very densely populated 1^st and 2^nd arrondissements from the 3^rd and 4^th arrondissements. The boulevard is 1.3 kilometers long and 30 meters wide, at the time vast extravagant use of space in a city that closely resembled rabbit warrens in its dense complexity. In order to construct this north-south thoroughfare 40 streets were lost, 2000 buildings demolished 2500 people were relocated.

‘Great Haussmann plan of late 1853 was not drawn on a blank sheet of paper’ – D. Van Zanten.

Urban renewal was already occurring when Haussmann was put solely in charge by Napoleon. Projects such as the East-West axis down the rue de Rivoli to the Hôtel de Ville. The rebuilding of the Paris de Justice and the restoration of the Notre-Dame by Viollete le Duc were already underway. How much of Paris would have developed organically without the extreme destruction that entailed Haussmann’s plan.

Three problems faced by Haussmann

As stated by D. Van Zanten Haussmann had a problem and solution based approach to urban planning, rather then the imposition of a utopian ideal. The first of his problems was that Napoleon intended Paris was the capital city and hence the back drop for the sovereign’s representation. His boulevards managed to highlight and link important national monuments such as the Arc de Triomphe as well as creating urban thoroughfares and ‘healthy open spaces.’  Monumental buildings such as the new Opéra house (1861-75) were set at major intersection between streets and metro connections. The buildings commissioned by Napoleon were built with the intention of show casing his royal wealth and were built with the intention of being imposing.  Yet they were also placed along new urban centers of movement and practicality. Secondly, was the transition of Paris into a new capitalist, industrialist city; its economic growth sparking population growth. Haussmann managed this through the annexation of the suburbs to make them the outer arrondissements. Thirdly there was the slow evaporation of central authority. This was managed through the arrondissements being governed like little cities separately. 

 

 

Haussmannisation

What Haussmann managed to complete in Paris had never been done before to that extent. Hence his ideas of public health, efficient straight roads and sturdy, medium density apartments were used in other cities all over the world. An example of Haussmann’s ideals being used in other areas is the Benjamin Franklin Parkway in Philadelphia, constructed in 1917. Like the Boulevard de Sébastopol, it is a scenic boulevard that runs through the cultural heart of Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. His ideals were also adopted and reinterpreted in a extreme way by the modernist architect Le Corbusier in his plans for cities such as Ville Contemporaine (1992). Le Corbusier envisioned a modern city out of high-density skyscrapers ranging form 24-60 stories that were set in green urban space. This he envisioned as healthy living due to the building form, typology and grid planning liberating urban space from chaos.

Can the idea of radical urban renewal be applied to Dharavi?

Recently in the media I have been compelled by the story of organic urban renewal in the slum of Dharavi. Dharavi is currently classified as the world’s largest modern slum. Located near the major city Mumbai it is conveniently connected by a railway and houses around 1 million occupants. Yet this area is now becoming well known for its individual struggle out of poverty without the assistance of government authorities. Collectively as a community of artisans 200 small and medium entrepreneurs have created names for themselves on Snapdeal, one of the country’s large online retail marketplaces. Many families work and live together in small, unhealthy, cramped conditions. Would it be considered ‘playing the hand of god’ to use a Haussmann style approach to improving these peoples living conditions and lives? Or would it be more beneficial in the long run to not relocate slums and allow them to grow economically at their own rate?

References

Ching, D.K Francis, Jarzombek, Mark, Prakash, Vikramaditya, ‘Global History of Architecture’, New Jersey, John Wiley & Sons Inc, pp. 670-671.

D. Van Zanten, ‘Haussmann, Baltard and Municipal Architecture’ in Building Paris: Architectural Institutions and the Transformation of the French Capital, 1830-1870 Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1994 pp. 198-213.

Fazio, Michael W, Marian Moffett, Lawrence Wodehouse, and Marian Moffett, A World History Of Architecture, Boston, McGraw-Hill, 2008, pp. 411-420.

http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/shared/spl/hi/world/06/dharavi_slum/html/dharavi_slum_intro.stm

http://www.forbes.com/sites/saritharai/2015/02/25/indias-dharavi-one-of-the-worlds-largest-slums-enters-online-retail/

http://worldpopulationreview.com/countries/france-population/

Images

All images taken by Leah Tausan.

 

Topic 5A: Racial segregation in 19th Century US cities

The Black Metropolis in Chicago

By Mark La Greca

The shape and character of the Black Metropolis are strongly characterised by racial segregation but also the cultural influence of southerners who flooded the black belt of Chicago.

Racial divides in Chicago

There are three major sectors which divide the city of Chicago. African Americans especially were generally restricted along the lines of ethnicity instead of class.

-  The North by north west sector is a predominantly a white district 
-  Due west of down town but separated by the connecting branches of the Chicago river lies the formally working class,  
-  The South by south west sector is the largest concentration of African American in Chicago

The black belt in 1910

In 1910 78% of African Americans lived on the south side in a narrow strip of land known to whites as the black belt. Therefore before the great migration, African Americans known as the old settler community already established some from of black metropolis in Chicago. A 1910 census counted 35 thousand black residents on the south side while only 1400 hundred lived on the north side

The Great Migration (1916 to 1930):

Gym crow Laws in southern states strictly segregated African Americans from white Americans in all aspects of life. Institutions including The Chicago Defender encouraged southern blacks to migrate north to find factory jobs “through tales of better working conditions’  Some industries even sent recruitment scouts down south to find workers as there was a sever labour shortage during and after the ww1, just as industry was rapidly expanding  Between 1910 and 1930 the population increased from 44,130 to 233,903.  This had major ramification for the life of blacks in northern cities both good and bad. Despite the massive increase in population racial covenants restricted the expansion of the black belt. These covenants became legally binding agreements usually between white real estate agents and home owners to prevent the renting or sale of housing to non whites with the threat of civil action. A 1917 survey of realtors counted that of the 97 listed units  there was 664 applicants . The increasing demand for houses allowed landlords to charge the “highest rents for the worst housing from the most economically disenfranchised population”

On average rent was “3 dollars per week, 4-5 times the rate of Mississippi towns”

New migrants also changed the nature and expression of the black metropolis through cultural, traditional, emerging cultural forms, religious practice,  music, food and other forms of cultural expression, for example jazz

The ‘Red Summer’ of 1919

The great migration caused tension between white and black individuals to reach an all time high for a variety of factors. Riots broke out  after the stoning to death of a black boy who accidentally floated across an invisible line marking the black swimming area from the white beach. After confronting police who refused to charge the perpetrator violence erupted along the east west residential border. Over 14 days 38 were killed and hundreds were injured in the race riots of 1919. This riot and how it happened highlights the highly contested nature of urban environments and how race and land can be intrinsically linked to one another.

Old and New Settlers

The huge influx of migrants created “ideological, political and cultural contestation between the old and new settlers” Over time  the terms Old and new settler related less to when one arrived in Chicago but rather “ideas about industrialised labour and leisure as expressions of respectability.” New settlers de-emphasised the fight for integration and racial equality but instead dealt with discrimination by creating black only institutions. They  established a bank, hospital, YMCA, baseball teams and many other black only institutions. The older elite feared this would affect their service businesses with white classes threatened by the growing number of African Americans who no longer bowed down to white supremacy. This helped foster a climate of change giving rise to the new negro generation. After increasing struggles for consistent work and better living conditions old and new settlers began to agree on “black cultural and economic autonomy” Despite this there was still heavy resistance from old settlers regarding leisure and labour activates mainly located in “the stroll”, which The defender and other news papers stated “gave the race a bad name.”

The Black metropolis and The Stroll

The new settler ideology turned to the strolls commercialised leisure world to create alternative kinds of labour and was the central artery of black metropolis. These leisure industries provided “clean work, economic alternatives, the possibility of geographical mobility and a liberating identity outside the dehumanising conditions of factories and relatively free of the intimate sexual harassment found working in white homes.” The stroll was a  melting pot for jazz converging northern and southern musical styles attracting black and white people who littered the streets. Other vices such as prostitution allowed woman originally earning 6 dollars per week in labour intensive jobs normally associated with men an opportunity to now “sells her body for 25 dollars”  Chicago’s black gambling entrepreneurs operating in the stroll used their earnings to reinvest into the black community funding many all black institutions such as baseball teams and cabaret theatres whereby blacks were no longer subjected to the racial discrimination of white ownership. African Americans on the stroll presented themselves in a very different light to conservative old settler ideological principles emphasising a commitment to labour intensive work.